The evolution of Malaysian foreign policy

Kuala Lumpur once prized non-alignment above all else – now it sees Beijing as more reliable than lectures from the West.- Murni Abdul Hamid

Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim during a parade for Malaysian Independence Day celebrations last month in Putrajaya, Malaysia (Syaiful Redzuan/Anadolu via Getty Images

Malaysia’s approach in navigating great power rivalry since the Cold War has largely been based on the principles of non-alignment, neutralism, and equidistance. However, two contrasting snapshots of the country’s Independence (Merdeka) Day celebration – half a century apart – offer an interesting perspective on whether Malaysia’s contemporary position has shifted away from these principles.

On 31 August 1973, Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak, hastily left the joyous Merdeka celebration midway to depart for Algiers and lead the Malaysian delegation to the Non-Alignment Movement (NAM) Summit. It was his first time attending the summit. It had taken several attempts for Malaysia to become a NAM member, largely due to Indonesia’s opposition and influence within the Afro-Asian group during the Konfrontasi period. Malaysia’s experience of Konfrontasi and the retreat of the British from the region pushed the country to seek friends among other newly independent states.

When Malaysia finally became a NAM member in 1970, its foreign policy gradually shifted away from heavy reliance on the United Kingdom toward a more neutral and non-aligned stance. Against this background, Tun Razak strongly felt the need for Malaysia to be represented at the highest level in Algiers to signify the country’s commitment to non-alignment – even if it meant leaving the Merdeka celebration halfway.

Malaysia’s second Prime Minister, Tun Abdul Razak (Bettmann/Getty Images)

Jump forward just over 50 years to 31 August 2025, Malaysia’s tenth Prime Minister, Anwar Ibrahim, left at the conclusion of the nation’s Merdeka celebration to immediately depart for China to attend the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit. It was the first time Malaysia had participated in the SCO, in which Malaysia is neither a member nor an observer. It was also the first time a Malaysian leader attended China’s “Victory Parade” in Beijing, which this year took place a few days later, to commemorate the end of the Second World War, alongside other leaders including from Russia, North Korea, Indonesia, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Myanmar, and Iran.

Since becoming Prime Minister in late 2022, Anwar has visited China four times, with China’s President and Premier reciprocating accordingly (also a total of four times if including the upcoming ASEAN Summit and other meetings next month).

While China has been Malaysia’s largest trading partner since 2009, relations with China have further intensified in recent years both bilaterally and multilaterally. These include Malaysia’s active involvement in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and participation in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (RCEP). Stronger ties also extend to decisions to allow Chinese companies to develop the country’s second 5G network and to revitalise Malaysia’s national car industry, the recent acceptance of China’s vision of building a Community with a Shared Future for Mankind, and the landmark creation of a bilateral mechanism with China to discuss maritime issues. Malaysia’s decision to join BRICS, and the initiative to bring in China into the ASEAN-GCC platform by hosting the first-ever ASEAN-GCC-China Summit in Kuala Lumpur, also illustrate the depth of relations.

The actions of the great powers leave little room for Malaysia to manoeuvre, and siding with the more predictable and reliable power seems to be the less risky option.

While Malaysia’s intensification of cooperation with China should not be viewed as a zero-sum game, it is hard to ignore that this occurred against the backdrop of deteriorating relations with the United States. From the perspective of Malaysian leaders, the more benign power and trusted partner today is not the United States, but China. This, in spite of several challenges, particularly in the South China Sea.

In Anwar’s speech during President Xi Jinping’s visit to Malaysia earlier this year, he praised China as a rational, steady, and reliable partner amid the turbulence of “economic tribalism” and threats to multilateralism and the rules-based order. Last year, when Anwar spoke off-the-cuff at a business luncheon in honour of Premier Li Qiang in Kuala Lumpur, he commended the attitude of the Chinese leadership as “friendly, courteous, full of respect, [and] understanding of cultures and differences”, in contrast to the “narrative from the others” and the “barrage of questions” from others – especially “the western” – on whether Malaysia’s close relations with China would be in Malaysia’s best interest.

Understandably, as an independent nation, no country appreciates being told who it should be friends with, especially when those doing the lecturing neither act as they preach nor have been reliable friends in the first place.

While closer relations with the United States would still serve Malaysia’s interests – particularly in the realms of the economy and defence – they are proving even more elusive under President Donald Trump. His arbitrary tariff impositions, aggressive rhetoric (even against allies), withdrawals from multilateral organisations, disregard for the rule of law, undermining of the global order, and coddling of Israel have been obstacles for Malaysian leaders in promoting closer ties with the United States. Domestically, various opinion polls in recent years have shown a steady decline in Malaysians’ favourable perceptions towards the United States, while favourable views of China and even Russia have increased significantly.

If the above trend persists, Malaysia might find itself moving even further away from its non-aligned, neutral, and equidistant stances that served it well in the past. At present, however, the actions of the great powers leave little room for Malaysia to manoeuvre, and siding with the more predictable and reliable power seems to be the less risky option.

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Susannah Patton20h ago

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Defence diplomacy the best option for Malaysia

Photo: Xinhua via AP

 CHINA’S Victory Parade on Sept 3 (pic) was more than pageantry; it was a warning shot about the future of war. With cyber, space and information warfare now centre stage, Malaysia must turn to its greatest strength – defence diplomacy.

Our ability to build trust, balance powers and shape regional security will determine whether South-east Asia remains stable amid intensifying rivalry.

The parade held in Beijing was more than a spectacle of power. It was a statement, a declaration that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is no longer simply modernising; it is also redefining warfare itself.

For Malaysia and Asean, the lesson is unmistakable – the battlefield of tomorrow will extend far beyond land, sea and air. It will be fought in cyberspace, outer space and the invisible realm of information.

The response must not be passivity but strategy and, above all, defence diplomacy.

For the first time, China showcased three new branches. The Information Support Force, the Cyberspace Force, and the Aerospace Force. These are not symbolic formations.

They signal the elevation of data and algorithms, satellites and electronic warfare to the same status as tanks, ships and aircraft.

China’s message is clear; victory will belong to those who dominate information, not just territory. It is a pivot from platform-centric power to information-centric warfare, an approach that mirrors Nato and US doctrines of multi-domain operations.

Military parades are theatre, but in Beijing theatre is strategy. To its people, China portrays: “We are secure and advanced.” To Washington, it signals: “We can fight across every domain.”

To its neighbours, the message is unmistakable: “We are no longer only a regional power; we are a global power.”

Malaysia can draw at least three key lessons from this signal. First, cyber and space resilience must become national priorities. Our financial systems, communications and power grids remain exposed to sophisticated cyberattacks.

Satellites and networks are potential first targets in any conflict. The upcoming Second Phase of Defence White Paper (2026 – 2030) must treat cyber and space security as essential pillars of national defence.

Second, strategic balancing has become a non-negotiable requirement.

Malaysia cannot afford to be ensnared in a great power rivalry, but we also cannot afford to remain silent. Defence diplomacy has emerged as a fundamental strategy. Engaging China, the United States, Japan, South Korea, Australia and others is the instrument that protects our sovereignty and Asean’s neutrality.

Third, innovation in defence is an urgent imperative. The National Defence Industry Policy (DIPN) and Industrial Collaboration Programme (ICP) must prioritise dual-use technologies such as artificial intelligence, drones, cybersecurity solutions and satellite applications. Without innovation, resilience will remain out of reach.

The lesson from Beijing is not that Malaysia should embark on an arms race. It is that we must strengthen defence diplomacy as the first line of security. Defence diplomacy is about building trust with partners, engaging competitors with clarity, and using dialogue to prevent miscalculation.

It means engaging in joint exercises, officer exchanges, technology collaboration and transparent communication.

For our country, it also means positioning ourselves as a bridge, a country trusted enough to convene conversations between rivals, but firm enough to defend our national interests.

China’s parade revealed a military ready to fight across every domain. But Malaysia’s strength does not lie in matching missile for missile. Our strength lies in building coalitions, shaping norms and leading through diplomacy.

The real contest of this century is not only about who parades the largest arsenal but who builds the most resilient, cooperative and stable security architecture. That is the contest where Malaysia, through defence diplomacy, must lead.

RAEISS ILMY RAMLY Dengkil, Selangor

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Exploring rocket town Hainan, China's gateway to space

The writer at the lobby of Hilton Wenchang where models of Chinese rockets were set up for sale. — Photos: FLORENCE TEH

A call from a Beijing-based Chinese journalist friend came suggesting I should make a quick trip to Hainan, China’s southernmost island province, to watch a rocket launch.

“Hainan is just a few hours away from Kuala Lumpur, so here’s your chance to see a real rocket blast. You don’t have to travel all the way to the United States or Russia to see this,’’ he said.

The only problem was that he could not give me the exact date of the lift off as he couldn’t find the details. He apologised and said that the Chinese authorities were often secretive of such information and that the best way to find out was to call up the hotels by the beach, facing the Wenchang space launch site.

When I approached my local travel agent, she was of no help as she had no idea there were rocket ascents in Hainan, but she did promise to call her Hainan counterpart.  

A few days later, the agent called back to say that most of the launch crew had made bookings for a week at the Hilton Wenchang.

“It is most likely that during that one week, the rocket would be launched. You just have to take your chances,’’ the agent said.

Now, there was no way I could book a room there for a week, as the rates had gone up by quite a bit during that period, so an urgent call was made to Beijing again.

More calls and WeChat messages were exchanged and soon, it was narrowed down to three possible dates, with the launch time likely to be at 8.30pm.

That seemed reasonable as I would be able to explore Hainan – dubbed the “Hawaii of China” as it is well-known for its palm-fringed beaches, coconut groves, and luxury resorts – during the day and be back at the hotel in the evenings.

Hainan has long been a destination for vacationers seeking sun, sea, and serenity with its white sand coastlines and subtropical forests.

But unknown to the world, except in China, Hainan is actually fast gaining a reputation as a world-class spaceport, with space tourism as one of its main products.

My wife and I arrived in Hainan via AirAsia, which flies direct from KLIA Terminal 2, hoping to see the countdowns and launch pads.

“You must get a balcony room with a beach view, and just watch the awesome sights and sounds from the room. It will be the best view. That way, you don’t have to jostle with the crowds who will gather at the public beach,’’ my reporter friend reminded me.

White beaches, palm trees and the rocket launch pad. A perfect view from the balcony of Wenchang Hilton in Hainan, China.

To ensure my dates were when the launch was “most likely to happen”, he doubled-checked with his colleagues in the Hainan bureau, and they assured him that it was on and that “it will happen”.

The Wenchang Space Launch Centre, operational since 2016, is the only coastal launch site in China. Most launches take place in desert sites.

The Hainan location allows for the launch of the country’s largest and heaviest rockets – like the Long March 5, which carries modules for China’s Tiangong Space Station and deep-space missions to the Moon and Mars.

Unlike many space facilities around the world, Wenchang’s launch pads are remarkably accessible.

There’s a public beach that’s just a short walk away from the main launch site, where curious onlookers and local families gather to watch the countdowns, to hear the engines roar to life, and to see the rockets pierce through the sky in dazzling displays.

The anticipated day finally came. Roads were sealed. Only vehicles ferrying registered hotel guests were allowed entry into the hotel area.

Space workers in their uniforms were seen walking around the lobby and restaurants. My wife, who speaks Mandarin, asked if the launch would happen. Their lips were sealed but they sportingly smiled and nodded their heads.

The rocket lift-off event at Wenchang, as seen from the writer’s hotel balcony.

The hotel had set up a counter selling miniature rockets, badges and other souvenirs, which was another sign that the launch was on.

There were rocket models in the lobby, and the afternoon tea served cakes and other sweet treats in the shape of astronauts and spacecrafts, though for a pricey RM200.

By 2pm, locals arrived at the public beach with folding chairs and picnic baskets, turning the shoreline into a festive arena. Children waved flags and tourists scrambled for the best camera angles.

Finally, on Aug 22 at 8.25pm, I looked at the balconies next to our room and saw that they were already filled with guests.

Then, the countdown began. When it hit zero, a thunderous roar filled the air. The rocket lifted slowly at first, then accelerated into the clouds, leaving behind a huge column of fire and a trail of awestruck gasps.

It was loud and hot, yet completely unforgettable. I couldn’t believe how close we were to seeing it all. There was no need for binoculars or distant observation decks.

What I also found unbelievable was that there was only a short mention of the launch on the local TV news channel that evening.

One of the hotel restaurant workers, a local, shrugged at my excitement, saying the rocket launches were mainly satellites by the private sector, and that these take place every few months.

A check online indeed showed three launches this year and many locals were no longer excited about these events, “except for the out-of-town local tourists”. My wife and I were the only foreign guests at the hotel.

The writer with his wife, Datin Seri Florence Teh at the Aeronautics City in Hainan.

A record was set between July 30 and Aug 4, when “two launches were carried out within five days”, according to reports.

One big attraction that awaits public opening is the Hainan Science Museum, also called the Hainan Science and Technology Museum, in Haikou. Here, there are galleries within the futuristic six-storey building displaying space technology, ocean science, and mathematics, as well as a few interactive zones.

The design of the building resembles an “updraft” (rising warm air current), with fluid, cloud-like shapes, inspired by Hainan’s tropical rainforests and futurism, according to news reports.

But for now, tourists only have the Astronautics City to visit, which is a modest museum but decent enough.

Since we were already in Wenchang, a quiet “rocket town”, we had to try its Wenchang chicken, a dish so famous it inspired the Malaysian favourite, Hainanese chicken rice.

My verdict? Well, we may be light years behind China in terms of rocket science but as a consolation, our Hainanese chicken rice is way, way better!

The steamed chicken in Hainan is tough as they are free-range chickens. They do not have our chilli sauce as a condiment nor do they use thick caramel soy sauce. The steamed chicken is also pretty plain and dry, really.

One simply has to try the chicken rice in Hainan as that's where it originated, but the writer still prefers Malaysian chicken rice.

What about durians in Hainan? No, it’s not going to happen for a long, long time as they still rely on imported Thai durians.

Haikou, the capital of Hainan, is also known for its Instagram-friendly colonial-era buildings at Qilou Old Street, reflecting both European and Chinese influences, and restaurants.

Further south, the more well-known resort cities like Sanya offer five-star luxury, snorkelling, and rainforest hikes.

But for Malaysians, all these will not really excite most of us ... but seeing a rocket lift off in front of our eyes is definitely worth experiencing.

Hainan is just a little over three hours by flight from KL and not many realise that the place is geographically the closest Chinese province to Malaysia.

Haikou’s Qilou Old Street is a charming town with colonial-style buildings.

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Anwar: Victory Parade a reminder to defend one’s sovereignty, joins world leaders at China’s Victory Day parade marking 80 years since WWII

 

Standing united: Xi and his wife Peng Liyuan (centre) posing for a group photo with the heads of foreign delegations and their spouses before the commemorative parade marking 80 years since the end of World War II in Beijing. Anwar (front row, fourth from left) and his wife Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail are in attendance. — Xinhua

BEIJING: The commemorative Victory Parade held by China to mark 80 years since the end of World War II serves as a timely reminder that a nation’s sovereignty must always be defended and safeguarded.

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim said this is even more crucial in today’s geopolitical landscape, where turmoil persists and the international system is increasingly undermined.

He cited the genocide in Gaza, where the Israeli regime continues its atrocities against Palestinians with impunity.

“For me, the celebration is a reminder that a nation must be free, independent and sovereign. A country’s independence must be respected.

“Our experience of embracing peace and resolution after World War II, and how China rose against violence and colonialism, should serve as a lesson for today’s society, especially in our region,” he told Malaysian media at the end of his working visit to Beijing and Tianjin this week.

Anwar was among the foreign leaders invited by Chinese President Xi Jinping to attend the parade at Tiananmen Square yesterday morning.

On his participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Plus Summit 2025 in the port city of Tianjin, Anwar said that although Malaysia is not a member of the SCO, he was invited by Xi, as the current Asean Chair, to attend as a special guest and share his views on global issues.

“So we took the opportunity to attend and share our views,” he said, Bernama reported.

Anwar said he also highlighted the United Nations’ failure to fulfil its mandate in resolving major crises, which has further eroded its global influence – a point acknowledged by UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, who participated in the meeting.

The Prime Minister added that he had met several world leaders on the sidelines of the summit.

Among them was Myanmar’s acting President Min Aung Hlaing, with whom he discussed and followed up on the country’s peace process ahead of Foreign Minister Datuk Seri Mohamad Hasan’s visit later this month.

His meetings with Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Egyptian Prime Minister Mostafa Madbouly, meanwhile, focused on the situation in Gaza amid Israel’s brutal aggression.

“I asked about the latest developments in Gaza. Many leaders who attended the summit also raised the issue of the ongoing atrocities in Gaza and the suffering of the Palestinian people there,” Anwar said.

He also met with his counterpart from Pakistan, Shehbaz Sharif, Cambodia’s Hun Manet and Nepal’s Prime Minister KP Sharma Oli to discuss boosting two-way trade and investment. 

Anwar departed for home yesterday afternoon after attending the Victory Parade and a banquet hosted by the Chinese President.

China's V-Day gathering to start at 9 a.m., Sept. 3 at Tian'anmen Square

Many 'firsts' in impressive formations displayed in China's massive V-Day parade

China held a massive military parade in central Beijing on Wednesday to mark the 80th anniversary of its victory in World War II, pledging the country's commitment to peaceful development in a world still fraught with turbulence and uncertainties

Anwar joins world leaders at China’s Victory Day parade marking 80 years since WWII

Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had a bilateral meeting with Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse yesterday. — Bernama pic

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China's V-Day gathering to start at 9 a.m., Sept. 3 at Tian'anmen Square

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Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim had a bilateral meeting with Chinese Premier Li Qiang at the Diaoyutai State Guesthouse yesterday. — Bernama pic

 banquet hosted by the Chinese President.