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Saturday 4 November 2023

We need to get out of the well from rejecting letters not in Bahasa Malaysia

 

The Frog Under the Coconut Shell - A Malay Proverb

A decision to reject all letters not in bahasa malaysia is likely to lead to mono-lingual government officers with little ability to deal with the ever-cosmopolitan world, with many living under the proverbial ‘tempurung’.


A FEW weeks ago, a little girl wrote to our Prime Minister, complaining about the toilets in her school.

Calling him Uncle Anwar, the nine-year-old said the cubicles were dirty and did not have sitting toilets, only the hole-in-thefloor squatting type.

She asked Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim to come visit and help. The Prime Minister was gracious in his reply.

“Thank you, Maryam,” he told the girl in a Facebook posting. “I will try to thoroughly and quickly solve this problem for the well-being of the children at school.”

I am so glad the Prime Minister did what he did, and not reject the letter outright.

Maryam had written to him in English, not the national language.

Anwar had replied in English, too.just days later, the same Prime Minister announced that all letters to government departments and universities should be sent back to the senders if they are not written in Bahasa Malaysia, the national language.

Maryam would have been disappointed.

Rejecting or sending letters back to senders just because they are not in BM cannot be the answer, in my opinion.

When people write to the Prime Minister or the government, they are usually seeking help or services that are due to them.

Ignoring or rejecting these letters could lead to a government that’s not in touch with its people or even result in important matters being missed.

A government should not be arrogant or condescending towards its own citizens. No government has ever refused to collect taxes from those who do not speak the national language. So, why should it then refuse services to tax-paying citizens who do not write efficiently in the language?

Governments, after all, exist to serve the people.

And no, I am not saying people can ignore BM. Far from it.

The national language is the glue that binds us as a nation. Almost every day, we squabble over race, religion and geographic locations, with some claiming to be superior to others. The language is about the only thing we share without fighting.

What I am saying is – there are other ways to encourage people to write in Bahasa Malaysia.

For one, the government could set up a translation unit, which would translate all such correspondence into the national language before they are sent to the person or department they are directed to.

The government has people who can do that. I believe the Home Ministry has staff who read all newspapers, portals and periodicals in all languages and translate them into BM for the perusal of the ministers and top officials.

They could do the same with these correspondence.

Of course, there is a catch. Any letter that goes to the translation unit will be delayed by weeks (or even months, knowing how most government departments work) before they reach the person they are intended for.

Who in his right mind would then want to write a letter in Tamil to a minister, knowing that it would be months before the minister reads it?

And we have a win-win situation. The writers will stick to BM for the best results, and the government comes across as one that caters to all and not a draconian one.

Letters aside, there is another issue here. Any policy that restricts people to only one language will be a stifling one, a regressive step.

We need people who are bilingual, or even trilingual. Anwar himself is known for his ability to speak fluent English. He even peppered his last Budget speech with Chinese and Tamil, quoting from Chinese philosopher Mencius and Tamil poet Thiruvalluvar.

Knowledge of other languages will not affect the national language. Bahasa Malaysia, I believe, can hold its own against any other language. In fact, it becomes richer that way.

And what of Sabah and Sarawak? They both have constitutions that say English is one of two official languages. Can the federal agencies deny service to the Borneo States if they write in English?

Did the Prime Minister speak with the leaders of these two states before making his announcement?

The leaders of the two states have already put their collective feet down. They are not about to ban letters in English or any other language.

Sarawak’s Federal Secretary Datuk Ahmad Nadzri Mohd Hassan made it clear.

He said federal government agencies would still accept letters in languages other than Bahasa Malaysia.

And he has also proposed the “translation unit” solution.

“We will accept letters written either in Malay or English. Even if the letters are written in other languages, we will entertain them. We will get them translated,” he said.

I think he is on the right track. Sabah and Sarawak are being progressive and accepting of all cultures. They are even thinking ahead, wanting to go their own way in terms of education and examinations.

The peninsula, on the other hand, seems to be going backwards and may soon see a government service that will be proficient only in one language.

Are we headed for a one-state, two nation system? A great divide splitting the two sides of the South China Sea?

The leaders on the peninsula need to rethink their priorities.

Instead of pandering to mono-lingual government officials, we should encourage them to learn more languages and widen their scope.

With China and India rising, liaising with these two countries will become important. English is also not about to lose its value anytime soon.

Take Singapore.

Many of their leaders can switch easily to different languages. Lee Hsien Loong speaks English, Malay and Mandarin equally fluently. President Tharman Shanmugaratnam – Shang Daman to the Chinese press – speaks English, Malay, Tamil and Mandarin.

Both are held in high regard, just like our own Prime Minister, who is fluent in BM and English while dabbling in other languages.

He should help spawn a new breed of politicians and government servants who can efficiently switch between at least BM and English. Limiting them to reading letters in just one language, while rejecting all others, will only stunt them.

It reminds me of a Bahasa Malaysia idiom: “Katak dibawah tempurung”.


By DORAIRAJ NADASON newsdesk @thestar.com.my The writer wishes all readers a Happy Deepavali, Selamat Hari Deepavali and Deepavali Nalvazhthukkal. Sadly, he does not know how to say it in Chinese.

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How the Israel-Palestinian Conflict Mirrors Malaysia's Apartheid Issue


The Israel-Palestinian conflict has polarized people worldwide, and in Malaysia, it has stirred strong emotions, especially among Malays and non-Malays. This conflict has revealed deep divides among races in the country. Some politicians from DAP have openly supported the Palestinian cause, separating this discussion from the actions of Hamas.

Non-Malays often identify with the Palestinians, feeling like victims themselves due to inequalities in their own country. They struggle to understand why Malays are so sensitive about this international conflict when Malays enjoy privileges that non-Malays do not. These privileges include preferential treatment in public universities, access to scholarships, and opportunities in government services. The conflict becomes a mirror reflecting local disparities, leading to further tension and division among Malaysians.

I am curious about the human mind, especially in the context of how different communities perceive and respond to the Israel-Palestinian conflict. Among my non-Malay friends, their reactions likely stem from a desire for empathy. They might want Malays to understand the frustration and sense of inequality they experience as second-class citizens in their own homeland.

This sentiment is often heightened among non-Malays who are not recent migrants but have roots in Malaysia that span multiple generations. For them, the connection to the land goes back several decades, if not centuries, and they might feel a deep sense of injustice when they perceive disparities in treatment and opportunities. Their reactions to the Israel-Palestinian conflict could be a way of expressing their own struggles for equality and recognition within their home country. It reflects a complex interplay of historical context, identity, and a quest for fairness and understanding among different communities.

In situations where certain groups are suppressed, particularly in areas like education and economics, an interesting psychological phenomenon often occurs: the victims tend to become stronger and more resilient. This resilience stems from a deep human drive to overcome adversity and succeed despite challenges.

In Malaysia, the Chinese community, in particular, has instilled a culture of excellence in their children. They emphasize the importance of being not just the best locally, but on a global scale. This mindset has driven many to excel internationally.

Surprisingly, those who were given advantages and opportunities haven't always proven to be the best, even within the Malaysian context. This has led to a situation where foreign workers are brought in to fill gaps left by disillusioned Malaysians seeking better prospects abroad.

Addressing the issue of brain drain requires acknowledging the core problem: unequal opportunities for all citizens. When equal opportunities are provided, individuals are more likely to invest their talents and skills in their home country, fostering a sense of belonging and encouraging them to contribute to the nation's growth and development.

The Israel-Palestinian conflict, rooted in millennia of history and recent events, serves as a poignant reminder for nations like Malaysia about the importance of equitable treatment and opportunities for all individuals. The shared affiliation to Jerusalem by both parties emphasizes the deep historical and cultural connections that people have with their homeland.

In the context of Malaysia, the conflict underscores the vital lesson of not depriving anyone of opportunities and treating each person equally as a human being. By ensuring fairness and equal opportunities, societies can foster harmony and prevent deep-seated grievances from festering. When diplomacy fails to address these grievances, conflicts can escalate into wars. In Malaysia, while physical conflict hasn't reached the point of violence, there are social and political tensions that reflect underlying issues.

As we witness conflicts around the globe, it becomes evident that none of us are truly safe from the repercussions of injustice and inequality. To navigate these challenges, societies must learn from these global conflicts and work toward inclusive policies and equal opportunities. Being prepared to address these issues constructively is essential to prevent societal explosions, promoting a more peaceful and harmonious coexistence.


Written by Dr. Kamsiah  Haidar
- a lecturer in dentistry UM some years ago.

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Friday 3 November 2023

Fumio Kishida's 'gift packs' for Southeast Asia are ominous

Japan's Prime Minister Fumio Kishida speaks during a news conference at the prime minister's official residence in Tokyo on November 2, 2023. Photo: VCG

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Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida will visit the Philippines and Malaysia from November 3 to 5. This is his first visit to these two Southeast Asian countries since taking office as the prime minister. The "gift packs" he will take with him were revealed in advance by the Japanese media. Unlike previous Japanese prime ministers' visits that often focused on promoting economic diplomacy, this time the "gift packs" mainly contained "lethal weapons," which not only appear ominous but also strongly suggest that Kishida's trip will be a "troublemaking journey."

According to reports from multiple Japanese media outlets, Kishida's visit is primarily focused on strengthening defense and security cooperation with the Philippines and Malaysia. It is worth noting that Japan will, for the first time, provide the Philippines with coastal surveillance radar under Japan's Official Security Assistance (OSA) mechanism approved in April. Malaysia, which has traditionally emphasized cooperation with China, has kept certain vigilance, with reports suggesting that discussions have been progressing slowly, and Kishida would likely explain it to Malaysian Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim and attempt to gain his support for the initiative. It is evident that the Philippines is the main target of Japan's breakthrough in this visit, and public attention is also more focused on defense cooperation between Japan and the Philippines.

According to Japan's design, the OSA aims to provide defense equipment to the armed forces of the so-called "like-minded" countries, which, in simpler terms, is military assistance. It is distinct from Japan's previous emphasis on the Official Development Assistance (ODA) in its diplomacy. Although it differs by only one letter, it represents a significant shift in nature. Moving from the ODA, which had a character of atonement for World War II and was focused on helping improve the livelihoods of recipient countries and enhancing economic and trade relations, to the militarily-oriented OSA signifies that Japanese diplomacy, and even Japan's national character, has crossed a threshold set by Japan's Peace Constitution.

In fact, both the establishment and utilization of the OSA mechanism and Kishida's "troublemaking journey" are not isolated singular events. They are manifestations of the regional impact of Japan's national security strategy transformation represented by the three strategic documents at the end of last year. In its new national security strategy, Japan positions China as an "unprecedented and greatest strategic challenge" and seeks to jointly deal with it with allies and "like-minded countries." The OSA is a tool to implement Japan's strategic vision.

It can be said that Tokyo has been searching for suitable partners to implement the OSA mechanism, and the Philippines is one of its preferred targets. Since this year, Japan has strengthened its security cooperation with the Philippines through military exercises, dialogues, and other means. The Philippines has also shown interest in the "Indo-Pacific Strategy," particularly the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. Now, with the US preoccupied with the Ukraine crisis and the Israel-Palestine conflict, Japan believes it must take over the baton from the US and support the Philippines in its adventurous actions in the South China Sea in various forms. It is not ruled out that Japan may even take more active and forceful measures to "support the Philippines" in the future, which has become one of the factors influencing whether the situation in the South China Sea will continue to escalate.

Manila should understand that Kishida's "gift packs" may be flashy, but it is not free, and it comes with a high cost. Let's take a look at how the former chief of staff, joint staff, Japan Self-Defense Forces (SDF), Katsutoshi Kawano, "envisioned" future defense cooperation between Japan and the Philippines: Japan's military aid to the Philippines will expand step by step and will change to include lethal weapons such as anti-ship missiles; Manila, in turn, could give Japan access to its military bases, as it does with the US, allowing Japanese SDF aircraft to patrol the South China Sea. If such a scenario were to occur, it would undoubtedly be a nightmare for Manila's sovereignty and security.

Former Japanese prime minister Takeo Fukuda proposed the basic principle of Japan's foreign policy toward Southeast Asia, known as "Fukuda Doctrine" in Manila in 1977, which emphasized that Japan would not become a military power and would contribute to peace and prosperity in Southeast Asia and the world. It was widely welcomed by Southeast Asian countries. When ASEAN upgraded its relationship with Japan to a "Comprehensive Strategic Partnership" in September of this year, Singapore's Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong expressed hope for stronger cooperation between the two sides in areas such as cybersecurity and the digital economy, climate change and green economy, and connectivity. What Southeast Asian countries need and expect has always been clear. Any actions that provoke regional tensions under the guise of "security" are unwelcome, and Japan, which desires to become a "normal country," will only become more abnormal due to these moves.


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